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CAT 2023 Slot 1 VARC Question Paper

The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage, choose the best answer for each question.

For early postcolonial literature, the world of the novel was often the nation. PostcolonialΒ novels were usually [concerned with] national questions. Sometimes the whole story of theΒ novel was taken as an allegory of the nation, whether India or Tanzania. This was importantΒ for supporting anti-colonial nationalism, but could also be limiting - land-focused and inward-looking.

My new book β€œWriting Ocean Worlds” explores another kind of world of the novel: not theΒ village or nation, but the Indian Ocean world. The book describes a set of novels in which the Indian Ocean is at the centre of the story. It focuses on the novelists Amitav Ghosh,Β Abdulrazak Gurnah, Lindsey Collen and Joseph Conrad [who have] centred the Indian OceanΒ world in the majority of their novels. . . . Their work reveals a world that is outward-looking - full of movement, border-crossing and south-south interconnection. They are all very different - from colonially inclined (Conrad) to radically anti-capitalist (Collen), but together draw on and shape a wider sense of Indian Ocean space through themes, images, metaphors and language. This has the effect of remapping the world in the reader’s mind, as centred in the interconnected global south. . . .

The Indian Ocean world is a term used to describe the very long-lasting connections amongΒ the coasts of East Africa, the Arab coasts, and South and East Asia. These connections wereΒ made possible by the geography of the Indian Ocean. For much of history, travel by sea wasΒ much easier than by land, which meant that port cities very far apart were often more easilyΒ connected to each other than to much closer inland cities. Historical and archaeologicalΒ evidence suggests that what we now call globalisation first appeared in the Indian Ocean.Β This is the interconnected oceanic world referenced and produced by the novels in my book. .Β . .

For their part Ghosh, Gurnah, Collen and even Conrad reference a different set of historiesΒ and geographies than the ones most commonly found in fiction in English. Those [commonlyΒ found ones] are mostly centred in Europe or the US, assume a background of Christianity andΒ whiteness, and mention places like Paris and New York. The novels in [my] book highlightΒ instead a largely Islamic space, feature characters of colour and centralise the ports ofΒ Malindi, Mombasa, Aden, Java and Bombay. . . . It is a densely imagined, richly sensoryΒ image of a southern cosmopolitan culture which provides for an enlarged sense of place inΒ the world.

This remapping is particularly powerful for the representation of Africa. In the fiction, sailors and travellers are not all European. . . . African, as well as Indian and Arab characters, are traders, nakhodas (dhow ship captains), runaways, villains, missionaries and activists. This does not mean that Indian Ocean Africa is romanticised. Migration is often a matter of force; travel is portrayed as abandonment rather than adventure, freedoms are kept from women and slavery is rife. What it does mean is that the African part of the Indian Ocean world plays an active role in its long, rich history and therefore in that of the wider world.

Which one of the following statements is not true about migration in the Indian Ocean world?

On the basis of the nature of the relationship between the items in each pair below, choose the odd pair out:

All of the following statements, if true, would weaken the passage’s claim about the relationship between mainstream English-language fiction and Indian Ocean novels EXCEPT:

All of the following claims contribute to the β€œremapping” discussed by the passage,
EXCEPT:

The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage, choose theΒ best answer for each question.

Many human phenomena and characteristics - such as behaviors, beliefs, economies,Β genes, incomes, life expectancies, and other things - are influenced both by geographicΒ factors and by non-geographic factors. Geographic factors mean physical and biologicalΒ factors tied to geographic location, including climate, the distributions of wild plant and animalΒ species, soils, and topography. Non-geographic factors include those factors subsumed underΒ the term culture, other factors subsumed under the term history, and decisions by individualΒ people. . . .

[T]he differences between the current economies of North and South Korea . . . cannot beΒ attributed to the modest environmental differences between [them] . . . They are instead dueΒ entirely to the different [government] policies . . . At the opposite extreme, the Inuit and otherΒ traditional peoples living north of the Arctic Circle developed warm fur clothes but noΒ agriculture, while equatorial lowland peoples around the world never developed warm furΒ clothes but often did develop agriculture. The explanation is straightforwardly geographic,Β rather than a cultural or historical quirk unrelated to geography. . . . Aboriginal AustraliaΒ remained the sole continent occupied only by hunter/gatherers and with no indigenousΒ farming or herding . . . [Here the] explanation is biogeographic: the Australian continent hasΒ no domesticable native animal species and few domesticable native plant species. Instead,Β the crops and domestic animals that now make Australia a food and wool exporter are allΒ non-native (mainly Eurasian) species such as sheep, wheat, and grapes, brought to AustraliaΒ by overseas colonists.

Today, no scholar would be silly enough to deny that culture, history, and individual choicesΒ play a big role in many human phenomena. Scholars don’t react to cultural, historical, andΒ individual-agent explanations by denouncing β€œcultural determinism,” β€œhistorical determinism,” or β€œindividual determinism,” and then thinking no further. But many scholars do react to anyΒ explanation invoking some geographic role, by denouncing β€œgeographic determinism” . . .

Several reasons may underlie this widespread but nonsensical view. One reason is that someΒ geographic explanations advanced a century ago were racist, thereby causing all geographicΒ explanations to become tainted by racist associations in the minds of many scholars otherΒ than geographers. But many genetic, historical, psychological, and anthropologicalΒ explanations advanced a century ago were also racist, yet the validity of newer non-racistΒ genetic etc. explanations is widely accepted today.

Another reason for reflex rejection of geographic explanations is that historians have aΒ tradition, in their discipline, of stressing the role of contingency (a favorite word amongΒ historians) based on individual decisions and chance. Often that view is warranted . . . ButΒ often, too, that view is unwarranted. The development of warm fur clothes among the InuitΒ living north of the Arctic Circle was not because one influential Inuit leader persuaded otherΒ Inuit in 1783 to adopt warm fur clothes, for no good environmental reason.

A third reason is that geographic explanations usually depend on detailed technical facts ofΒ geography and other fields of scholarship . . . Most historians and economists don’t acquireΒ that detailed knowledge as part of the professional training.

All of the following are advanced by the author as reasons why non-geographersΒ disregard geographic influences on human phenomena EXCEPT their:

The author criticises scholars who are not geographers for all of the following reasonsΒ EXCEPT:

All of the following can be inferred from the passage EXCEPT:

The examples of the Inuit and Aboriginal Australians are offered in the passage toΒ show:

The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage, choose theΒ best answer for each question.

RESIDENTS of LozΓ¨re, a hilly department in southern France, recite complaints familiar toΒ many rural corners of Europe. In remote hamlets and villages, with names such as Le BaconΒ and Le Bacon Vieux, mayors grumble about a lack of local schools, jobs, or phone andΒ internet connections. Farmers of grazing animals add another concern: the return of wolves.Β Eradicated from France last century, the predators are gradually creeping back to moreΒ forests and hillsides. β€œThe wolf must be taken in hand,” said an aspiring parliamentarian,Β Francis Palombi, when pressed by voters in an election campaign early this summer. TouristsΒ enjoy visiting a wolf park in LozΓ¨re, but farmers fret over their livestock and their livelihoods. .
. .

As early as the ninth century, the royal office of the Lupariiβ€”wolf-catchersβ€”was created inΒ France to tackle the predators. Those official hunters (and others) completed their job in theΒ 1930s, when the last wolf disappeared from the mainland. Active hunting and improvedΒ technology such as rifles in the 19th century, plus the use of poison such as strychnine laterΒ on, caused the population collapse. But in the early 1990s the animals reappeared. TheyΒ crossed the Alps from Italy, upsetting sheep farmers on the French side of the border. WolvesΒ have since spread to areas such as LozΓ¨re, delighting environmentalists, who see theΒ predators’ presence as a sign of wider ecological health. Farmers, who say the wolves causeΒ the deaths of thousands of sheep and other grazing animals, are less cheerful. They grumbleΒ that green activists and politically correct urban types have allowed the return of an oldΒ enemy.

Various factors explain the changes of the past few decades. Rural depopulation is part of the story. In Lozère, for example, farming and a once-flourishing mining industry supported a population of over 140,000 residents in the mid-19th century. Today the department has fewer than 80,000 people, many in its towns. As humans withdraw, forests are expanding. In France, between 1990 and 2015, forest cover increased by an average of 102,000 hectares each year, as more fields were given over to trees. Now, nearly one-third of mainland France is covered by woodland of some sort. The decline of hunting as a sport also means more forests fall quiet. In the mid-to-late 20th century over 2m hunters regularly spent winter weekends tramping in woodland, seeking boars, birds and other prey. Today the Fédération Nationale des Chasseurs, the national body, claims 1.1m people hold hunting licences, though the number of active hunters is probably lower. The mostly protected status of the wolf in Europe—hunting them is now forbidden, other than when occasional culls are sanctioned by the state—plus the efforts of NGOs to track and count the animals, also contribute to the recovery of wolf populations.

As the lupine population of Europe spreads westwards, with occasional reports of wolvesΒ seen closer to urban areas, expect to hear of more clashes between farmers and those whoΒ celebrate the predators’ return. Farmers’ losses are real, but are not the only economic story.Β Tourist venues, such as parks where wolves are kept and the animals’ spread is discussed,Β also generate income and jobs in rural areas.

Which one of the following has NOT contributed to the growing wolf population in Lozère?

The inhabitants of Lozère have to grapple with all of the following problems, EXCEPT:

Which one of the following statements, if true, would weaken the author’s claims?

The author presents a possible economic solution to an existing issue facing Lozère that takes into account the divergent and competing interests of:

The passage below is accompanied by four questions. Based on the passage, choose theΒ best answer for each question.

[Fifty] years after its publication in English [in 1972], and just a year since [Marshall] SahlinsΒ himself diedβ€”we may ask: why did [his essay] β€œOriginal Affluent Society” have such anΒ impact, and how has it fared since? . . . Sahlins’s principal argument was simple butΒ counterintuitive: before being driven into marginal environments by colonial powers, hunter-gatherers, or foragers, were not engaged in a desperate struggle for meager survival. QuiteΒ the contrary, they satisfied their needs with far less work than people in agricultural andΒ industrial societies, leaving them more time to use as they wished. Hunters, he quipped, keepΒ bankers’ hours. Refusing to maximize, many were β€œmore concerned with games of chanceΒ than with chances of game.” . . . The so-called Neolithic Revolution, rather than improving life,Β imposed a harsher work regime and set in motion the long history of growing inequality . . .

Moreover, foragers had other options. The contemporary Hadza of Tanzania, who had longΒ been surrounded by farmers, knew they had alternatives and rejected them. To Sahlins, thisΒ showed that foragers are not simply examples of human diversity or victimhood butΒ something more profound: they demonstrated that societies make real choices. Culture, aΒ way of living oriented around a distinctive set of values, manifests a fundamental principle ofΒ collective self-determination. . . .

But the point [of the essay] is not so much the empirical validity of the dataβ€”the real interestΒ for most readers, after all, is not in foragers either today or in the Paleolithicβ€”but rather itsΒ conceptual challenge to contemporary economic life and bourgeois individualism. TheΒ empirical served a philosophical and political project, a thought experiment and stimulus toΒ the imagination of possibilities.

With its title’s nod toward The Affluent Society (1958), economist John Kenneth Galbraith’sΒ famously skeptical portrait of America’s postwar prosperity and inequality, and dripping withΒ New Left contempt for consumerism, β€œThe Original Affluent Society” brought this criticalΒ perspective to bear on the contemporary world. It did so through the classic anthropologicalΒ move of showing that radical alternatives to the readers’ lives really exist. If the capitalistΒ world seeks wealth through ever greater material production to meet infinitely expansiveΒ desires, foraging societies follow β€œthe Zen road to affluence”: not by getting more, but byΒ wanting less. If it seems that foragers have been left behind by β€œprogress,” this is due only toΒ the ethnocentric self-congratulation of the West. Rather than accumulate material goods,Β these societies are guided by other values: leisure, mobility, and above all, freedom. . . .

Viewed in today’s context, of course, not every aspect of the essay has aged well. WhileΒ acknowledging the violence of colonialism, racism, and dispossession, it does not thematizeΒ them as heavily as we might today. Rebuking evolutionary anthropologists for treatingΒ present-day foragers as β€œleft behind” by progress, it too can succumb to the temptation to useΒ them as proxies for the Paleolithic. Yet these characteristics should not distract us fromΒ appreciating Sahlins’s effort to show that if we want to conjure new possibilities, we need toΒ learn about actually inhabitable worlds.

We can infer that Sahlins's main goal in writing his essay was to:

The author mentions Tanzania’s Hadza community to illustrate:

The author of the passage mentions Galbraith’s β€œThe Affluent Society” to:

The author of the passage criticises Sahlins’s essay for its:

For the following questions answer them individually

There is a sentence that is missing in the paragraph below. Look at the paragraph andΒ decide where (option 1, 2, 3, or 4) the following sentence would best fit.

Sentence: The discovery helps to explain archeological similarities between theΒ Paleolithic peoples of China, Japan, and the Americas.

Paragraph: The researchers also uncovered an unexpected genetic link betweenΒ Native Americans and Japanese people. ___(1)___. During the deglaciation period,Β another group branched out from northern coastal China and travelled to Japan.Β ___(2)___. "We were surprised to find that this ancestral source also contributed to theΒ Japanese gene pool, especially the indigenous Ainus," says Li. ___(3)___. They sharedΒ similarities in how they crafted stemmed projectile points for arrowheads and spears.Β ___(4)___. "This suggests that the Pleistocene connection among the Americas,Β China, and Japan was not confined to culture but also to genetics," says senior authorΒ Qing-Peng Kong, an evolutionary geneticist at the Chinese Academy of Sciences.

There is a sentence that is missing in the paragraph below. Look at the paragraph andΒ decide where (option 1, 2, 3, or 4) the following sentence would best fit.

Sentence: This philosophical cut at one’s core beliefs, values, and way of life isΒ difficult enough.

Paragraph: The experience of reading philosophy is often disquieting. When readingΒ philosophy, the values around which one has heretofore organised one’s life mayΒ come to look provincial, flatly wrong, or even evil. ___(1)___. When beliefs previouslyΒ held as truths are rendered implausible, new beliefs, values, and ways of living may beΒ required. ___(2)___. What’s worse, philosophers admonish each other to remainΒ unsutured until such time as a defensible new answer is revealed or constructed.Β Sometimes, philosophical writing is even strictly critical in that it does not evenΒ attempt to provide an alternative after tearing down a cultural or conceptual citadel.Β ___(3)___. The reader of philosophy must be prepared for the possibility of thisΒ experience. While reading philosophy can help one clarify one’s values, and evenΒ make one self-conscious for the first time of the fact that there are good reasons forΒ believing what one believes, it can also generate unremediated doubt that is difficult toΒ live with. ___(4)___.

Five jumbled up sentences (labelled 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5), related to a topic, are given below. Four of them can be put together to form a coherent paragraph. Identify the odd sentence and key in the number of that sentence as your answer.
1. Having an appreciation for the workings of another person’s mind is considered a prerequisite for natural language acquisition, strategic social interaction, reflexive thought, and moral judgment.
2. It is a β€˜theory of mind’ though some scholars prefer to call it β€˜mentalizing’ or β€˜mindreading’, which is important for the development of one's cognitive abilities.
3. Though we must speculate about its evolutionary origin, we do have indications that the capacity evolved sometime in the last few million years.
4. This capacity develops from early beginnings in the first year of life to the adult’s fast and often effortless understanding of others’ thoughts, feelings, and intentions.
5. One of the most fascinating human capacities is the ability to perceive and interpret other people’s behaviour in terms of their mental states.

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Five jumbled up sentences (labelled 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5), related to a topic, are given below. Four of them can be put together to form a coherent paragraph. Identify the odd sentence and key in the number of that sentence as your answer.

1. In English, there is no systematic rule for the naming of numbers; after ten, we have "eleven" and "twelve" and then the teens: "thirteen", "fourteen", "fifteen" and so on.

2. Even more confusingly, some English words invert the numbers they refer to: the word "fourteen" puts the four first, even though it appears last.

3. It can take children a while to learn all these words, and understand that "fourteen" is different from "forty".

4. For multiples of 10, English speakers switch to a different pattern: "twenty", "thirty", "forty" and so on.

5. If you didn't know the word for "eleven", you would be unable to just guess it - you might come up with something like "one-teen".

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The four sentences (labelled 1, 2, 3 and 4) given below, when properly sequenced, would yield a coherent paragraph. Decide on the proper sequencing of the order of the sentences and key in the sequence of the four numbers as your answer.

1. What precisely are the β€œunusual elements” that make a particular case so attractive to a certain kind of audience?

2 . It might be a particularly savage or unfathomable level of depravity, very often it has something to do with the precise amount of mystery involved.

3. Unsolved, and perhaps unsolvable cases offer something that β€œordinary” murder doesn’t.

4. Why are some crimes destined for perpetual re-examination and others locked into permanent obscurity?

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The four sentences (labelled 1, 2, 3 and 4) given below, when properly sequenced, would yield a coherent paragraph. Decide on the proper sequencing of the order of the sentences and key in the sequence of the four numbers as your answer.

1. Algorithms hosted on the internet are accessed by many, so biases in AI models have resulted in much larger impact, adversely affecting far larger groups of people.
2. Though β€œalgorithmic bias” is the popular term, the foundation of such bias is not in algorithms, but in the data; algorithms are not biased, data is, as algorithms merely reflect persistent patterns that are present in the training data.
3. Despite their widespread impact, it is relatively easier to fix AI biases than human-generated biases, as it is simpler to identify the former than to try to make people unlearn behaviors learnt over generations.
4. The impact of biased decisions made by humans is localised and geographically confined, but with the advent of AI, the impact of such decisions is spread over a much wider scale.

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The passage given below is followed by four alternate summaries. Choose the option that best captures the essence of the passage.

Manipulating information was a feature of history long before modern journalismΒ established rules of integrity. A record dates back to ancient Rome, when Antony metΒ Cleopatra and his political enemy Octavian launched a smear campaign against himΒ with β€œshort, sharp slogans written upon coins.” The perpetrator became the firstΒ Roman Emperor and β€œfake news had allowed Octavian to hack the republican systemΒ once and for all”. But the 21st century has seen the weaponization of information onΒ an unprecedented scale. Powerful new technology makes the fabrication of contentΒ simple, and social networks amplify falsehoods peddled by States, populistΒ politicians, and dishonest corporate entities. The platforms have become fertileΒ ground for computational propaganda, β€˜trolling’ and β€˜troll armies’.

The passage given below is followed by four alternate summaries. Choose the optionΒ that best captures the essence of the passage.

Colonialism is not a modern phenomenon. World history is full of examples of oneΒ society gradually expanding by incorporating adjacent territory and settling its peopleΒ on newly conquered territory. In the sixteenth century, colonialism changed decisivelyΒ because of technological developments in navigation that began to connect moreΒ remote parts of the world. The modern European colonial project emerged when itΒ became possible to move large numbers of people across the ocean and to maintainΒ political control in spite of geographical dispersion. The term colonialism is used toΒ describe the process of European settlement, violent dispossession and political
domination over the rest of the world, including the Americas, Australia, and parts ofΒ Africa and Asia.

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