Instructions

The passage below is accompanied by a set of questions. Choose the best answer to each question.

The word ‘anarchy’ comes from the Greek 'anarkhia', meaning contrary to authority or without a ruler, and was used in a derogatory sense until 1840, when it was adopted by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon to describe his political and social ideology. Proudhon argued that organization without government was both possible and desirable. In the evolution of political ideas, anarchism can be seen as an ultimate projection of both liberalism and socialism, and the differing strands of anarchist thought can be related to their emphasis on one or the other of these.

Historically, anarchism arose not only as an explanation of the gulf between the rich and the poor in any community, and of the reason why the poor have been obliged to fight for their share of a common inheritance, but as a radical answer to the question ‘What went wrong?’ that followed the ultimate outcome of the French Revolution. It had ended not only with a reign of terror and the emergence of a newly rich ruling caste, but with a new adored emperor, Napoleon Bonaparte, strutting through his conquered territories.

The anarchists and their precursors were unique on the political Left in affirming that workers and peasants, grasping the chance that arose to bring an end to centuries of exploitation and tyranny, were inevitably betrayed by the new class of politicians, whose first priority was to re-establish a centralized state power. After every revolutionary uprising, usually won at a heavy cost for ordinary populations, the new rulers had no hesitation in applying violence and terror, a secret police, and a professional army to maintain their control.

For anarchists the state itself is the enemy, and they have applied the same interpretation to the outcome of every revolution of the 19th and 20th centuries. This is not merely because every state keeps a watchful and sometimes punitive eye on its dissidents, but because every state protects the privileges of the powerful.

The mainstream of anarchist propaganda for more than a century has been anarchist- communism, which argues that property in land, natural resources, and the means of production should be held in mutual control by local communities, federating for innumerable joint purposes with other communes. It differs from state socialism in opposing the concept of any central authority. Some anarchists prefer to distinguish between anarchist-communism and collectivist anarchism in order to stress the obviously desirable freedom of an individual or family to possess the resources needed for living, while not implying the right to own the resources needed by others. . . .

There are, unsurprisingly, several traditions of individualist anarchism, one of them deriving from the ‘conscious egoism’ of the German writer Max Stirner (1806-56), and another from a remarkable series of 19th-century American figures who argued that in protecting our own autonomy and associating with others for common advantages, we are promoting the good of all. These thinkers differed from free-market liberals in their absolute mistrust of American capitalism, and in their emphasis on mutualism.

Question 2

The author believes that the new ruling class of politicians betrayed the principles of the French Revolution, but does not specify in what way. In the context of the passage, which statement below is the likeliest explanation of that betrayal?

Solution

The third paragraph renders us with sufficient information concerning the manner of betrayal. The failure of the Frech Revolution is being attributed to the deceit of the new class of politicians who not only prioritised the re-establishment and centralisation of authority but also unleashed a reign of terror on the ordinary masses. The author hints at this re-installation of power and the atrocities committed on the common people, who are the very drivers of the revolution, being the desertion of the principles of the French Revolution by the new ruling class of politicians. Any statement that aligns with this understanding would be a suitable answer. Option A brings in the concept of an impact on the market, which is not mentioned in the passage. Additionally, it does not signify betrayal of any kind. Same can be said about the statement in Option B. Option C is a strong candidate that symbolises betrayal. However, can we appropriately associate it with the underlying principles of the revolution?  The author's primary focus is on the cost borne by the ordinary populations, and despite the revolution being realised by their sacrifices, they are still the ones being subjected to inequity and torment. Although C highlights betrayal, it does not truly coincide with the idea being conveyed. The afore-mentioned element is appropriately captured by Option D: it highlights how the new class of politicians utilised the indignation of the masses/workers for the revolution - to topple authority and rise to power - and then stab them in the back by turning to oppress them.  

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